India’s multi-alignment strategy has been severely tested as it finds little support from the West in its fight against Pakistan-backed terror. In the aftermath of Operation Sindoor, the diplomatic reaction in Washington took many by surprise. Despite being a strategic partner, it wasn’t India that found support from the US.

Instead, Pakistan, shunned since President Donald Trump’s famous tweet in January 2018, re-emerged in American diplomatic priorities. While India made tactical gains, the strategic outcome seems to have favoured Pakistan. General Asim Munir, elevated to Field Marshal, received a warm welcome in Washington, from meeting Pentagon and CIA officials to a lunch meeting with President Trump.

During their White House meeting, Trump and Munir discussed Iran, which Trump suggested Pakistan knew better than most. Following Munir’s visit, the Pakistan Air Force chief also went to Washington and held meetings at the Pentagon. The timing of both visits suggests the US may be seeking a deeper re-engagement with Pakistan’s military establishment.

The growing warmth in US-Pakistan ties reflects a broader geopolitical shift. The four-day India-Pakistan war in May highlighted the instability of South Asia but also the changing priorities of the major powers and New Delhi’s diplomatic isolation, despite its size and importance. READ I Critical minerals central to Quad’s regional security plan US-Pakistan reset Several factors explain Washington’s turn toward Pakistan.

For one, it reflects Trump’s style of personalised diplomacy. He took credit for the truce and publicly praised Pakistan’s role in stabilising the region. In turn, Pakistan’s military backed his narrative, with Munir even recommending that Trump deserved a Nobel Peace Prize.

This reset, however, isn’t just about personalities. It reflects strategic needs. With continuing tensions in West Asia and growing instability in Afghanistan, the US needs regional partners with deep networks in the region.

Pakistan’s location, bordering Iran, Afghanistan and China’s Xinjiang region, gives it a unique geopolitical leverage. Historically, Pakistan has played a “frontline state” and extracted strategic rents for services rendered to the West. There is little reason to believe it wouldn’t do so again.

US intelligence agencies have again started engaging with Pakistan’s military to manage the resurgence of ISIS-K and other transnational threats in Afghanistan. Signs of a thaw in US-Pakistan relations emerged even before the ceasefire between India and Pakistan was formally announced. As Indian fighter jets targeted alleged terrorist camps in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir and Punjab, public statements from the White House were carefully balanced.

While the US condemned the Pahalgam terror attack, it also called for “restraint” from “all sides.” Economic interests also played a key role in the growing US-Pakistan relationship. Trump expressed a strong interest in building a new trade partnership with Pakistan, based on “long-term strategic convergence and shared interests.” During their June 18 meeting, Pakistani officials noted that Trump and Munir discussed expanding trade and economic cooperation, including in emerging sectors such as cryptocurrency. There is also speculation about a potential US-Pakistan minerals and energy deal.

With Pakistan’s large reserves of copper and rare earth elements still largely untapped, American companies may see investment opportunities, particularly as Pakistan seeks to reduce its dependence on Chinese Belt and Road projects. Increased trade ties would benefit Pakistan’s struggling economy. US investment and access to American markets are attractive options for Pakistan.

It is also likely that the US supported Pakistan’s recent IMF bailout, signalling that economic assistance would be available if it aligned with Washington’s broader regional interests. India’s diplomatic isolation The war’s most striking outcome was longstanding ally China’s firm backing of Pakistan. Beijing reportedly provided real-time satellite intelligence and extended strong diplomatic support in multilateral forums.

More troubling for India was Russia’s silence. Despite being considered a traditional partner, Moscow offered no explicit support. While officially neutral, it has stepped up joint military exercises with Pakistan and continues to align closely with China.

These growing ties between Russia and Pakistan have complicated India’s strategic calculus. India also received little encouragement from the Quad members, with Australia remaining silent. Japan issued only a general statement.

The US focused narrowly on avoiding escalation, offering no endorsement of India’s actions. Western countries appear to have become uneasy about India’s assertive military posture. New Delhi’s long-standing strategy of balancing relations with both Washington and Moscow is now under strain.

The fragmentation of the larger global order partly accounts for India’s diplomatic setbacks. Western powers were preoccupied with the war in Ukraine. In West Asia, US attention was diverted by Iran and Houthi attacks on maritime trade.

In East Asia, tensions over Taiwan continue to dominate security concerns. Amid these crises, South Asia has slipped down the list of global priorities. India’s expectation of being seen as a victim of cross-border terrorism did not resonate.

Changed diplomatic landscape The sudden turnaround in US-Pakistan relations suggests Pakistan has rebuilt ties with quiet effectiveness. India, by contrast, perhaps overplayed its hand. New Delhi appeared to take for granted that its years of engagement with Washington through defence agreements, economic partnerships and Indo-Pacific cooperation guaranteed support in a time of crisis.

India’s framing of Operation Sindoor as a “counter-terrorist strike” failed to resonate internationally. India’s decision to launch military strikes without prior consultation with key allies came as a surprise to US policymakers. Many in Washington viewed the strikes as escalatory.

Despite the much-touted strategic convergence, the American response was measured. This moment exposed the limits of India’s assumptions. Years of close ties with the US did not translate into diplomatic cover.

More importantly, India lost control of the narrative. Pakistan secured a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council and can use its rotating presidency in July to put Kashmir back on the agenda, much to India’s annoyance. India’s diplomatic outreach in the aftermath of Operation Sindoor has focused on damage control through attempts to rebuild the narrative as a responsible power committed to regional stability.

But the damage had already been done. For some observers, India acted without adequate diplomatic groundwork, relied too much on assumed friendships and misread how its actions would be perceived. Pakistan, on the other hand, positioned itself as responsible in its public messaging and open to mediation and dialogue.

The military’s long-standing ties in Washington paid off. At the same time, its alignment with China ensured that it was not diplomatically cornered. For India, the strategic lesson is sobering.

The belief that shared democratic values, market potential and convergence on Indo-Pacific issues would automatically lead to diplomatic support has been tested and found wanting. More critically, the tenability of India’s multi-alignment strategy is now in question. The assumption that India could balance ties with the US, Russia and others without friction has begun to fray.

Washington’s renewed engagement with Pakistan is not necessarily about creating parity. It reflects a willingness to work with India’s rival when it suits US interests. In this fluid global order, India must rethink its diplomacy.

It will need to recalibrate its external messaging, refine its narrative on terrorism and build stronger, issue-based coalitions. Diplomatic agility, not just military strength, will determine whether India can protect its interests and shape regional outcomes. Ajay Darshan Behera is Professor, Academy of International Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.

Originally published under Creative Commons by 360info .